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Showing posts with label Moor Common. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Moor Common. Show all posts

Monday, April 15, 2024

The Ancient Chapel At Ackhampstead

 This post is a tribute to the lost and ancient little chapel at Ackhampstead near Moor Common / Finnemore. (Otherwise known as the chapel of St. Mary de (or le)  Moor/More.) Ackhampstead was latter part of Great Marlow parish for certain civil purposes so we sometimes get enquiries about it.  No one was exactly sure when it was built but generally the tradition was that it was a chapel of ease for the wealthy Brinkhurst family of The Moore in the Tudor era. That seems very likely. They were later Catholic recusants who lost a lot for sticking by their faith. Some of the Victorian villagers believed it was specifically a female Brinkhurst that had established the chapel and who knows they may have been right.  More on them in another post.  Either way it was old, and apparently beautiful. 


The Moore(s) would later be known as Moor farm. 


The chapel had continued in use for centuries. There wasn't ever many houses immediately about it - Ackhampstead was a tiny hamlet. People who recorded they lived there may also otherwise describe themselves as resident at The Moor, Finnemore/Finnemoor or "Fennymore" but usually it was accepted there were about 12 cottages in the Regency and early Victorian Ackhampstead.  This meant a population of about 75 people in 1849.  Although the parish authorities had an exact idea of where the boundaries of the district of Ackhampstead were, in every day life the farm labourers residents were much less precise in how they defined their home. The Black Boy beerhouse at Moor Common is occasionally referred to as part of Ackhampstead. The residents of the handful of cottages at Chisbridge Cross ("Chusbeech" , "Christbridge" and a hundred other variations) were considered part of Ackhampstead chapel district too. 


The problem for the locals was that Ackhampstead might have been surrounded by Buckinghamshire, but technically it was an outlying part of the parish of Lewknor Uphill in the Diocese of Oxford.  This was not very practically or financially  convenient for the vicar of Lewknor 8 miles away. He appointed a curate for Ackhampstead but the wages came out of his own living which was the gift of All Souls college, Oxford. In 1842 the new vicar was Rev Edward B Dean. A few years later he was accused of trying to shed Ackhampstead from his parish by any means necessary so he'd no longer need to provide for a curate. He was very determined to be rid of it for sure but we can't see into his heart and truly know what his motivations were. 


"In good sound and durable repair"

In August 1848 Benjamin Disraeli presented a petition from the parishioners in Finnemore who claimed the Bishop of Oxford was suppressing them. They were asking for the governments protection against the injury they said the Bishop was planning to subject them to - specifically pulling down their ancient chapel. It was signed by all the landowners, farmers and cottagers there, bar one lady who said that she didn't want the chapel to go but didn't want to upset the rector and curate of nearby Hambledon who were criticised in the petition. They attempted to address the question of whether Ackhampstead was a drain on parish resources. They pointed out that the vicar of Lewknor had the benefit of just over 9 acres of glebe land around Ackhampstead chapel plus he received a portion of the rent from Moor and Finnemoor farms, and the great tithes from all the land in Moor and Finnemoor which was then commuted to a rent charge. (Ready cash more desirable than a portion of crops etc by now.)  Plus the small tithes of Cadmore End. The residents said that to the best of their knowledge the chapel was established for the benefit of the residents of Moor and Finnemore (Ackhampstead). It was well attended by worshippers from both of those places and from further afield and the building was in "good sound and durable repair" as they put it. This last point is important because it doesn't seem it was disputed at that time and it makes what happens later especially sad. 


Those signing the above petition believed that the Vicar of Lewknor was going to give up a portion of his living to sort of persuade Hambledon to adopt Ackhampstead as part of their parish. The point of doing so would be to close Ackhampstead in favour of a new church at Frieth they were then building and it would also increase the living at Hambledon. The farms and cottages at The Moor in particular were "remote and distant" from Frieth they said but a "remarkably short" distance from Ackhampstead. The Bishop of Oxford had sanctioned the demolition of their chapel without consulting them and now their only option was the "great expense and trouble" of challenging that decision in the ecclesiastical court of the same bishop who wanted the chapel closed. The petition didn't do any good but it bought a lot of press attention to what was happening at Ackhampstead. The Bishop said the court was not presided over by him and was subject to regular law processes. What's more the demolition wasn't his idea, but the Vicar of Lewknors (although he supported it). However Ackhampstead landowner Joseph Townsend had previously received a letter from the provost stating that the judge might in fact be the bishop or his commissary. 


Wanton and disorderly conduct

I mentioned above that the rector and curate of Hambledon were criticised in the petition. It was a slur on their honour to suggest they were motivated by financial rather than spiritual gain. The curate of Hambledon had been conducting the services at the chapel. (Prior to that the chaplain of the Royal Military College junior branch in Marlow had done the honours.) The Ackhampstead residents said the services had been held at the "improper, inconvenient and uncanonical hour" of 6pm. They seem suspicious that the clerics  were making the services as difficult as possible to attend in order they could say they were unpopular and would scarcely be missed. Six pm doesn't sound too bad an hour to us but it was a different thing in the winter when travel was down unlit and notoriously muddy and difficult to traverse dark lanes. Curiously it was claimed that the late hour of service was encouraging "wanton and disorderly conduct" among the "rustic" population gathered about the chapel after dark! A constable had been called more than once to keep order while the worshippers were inside. Who were these troublemakers? Perhaps Cadmore Ender's  - see below! In response to this complaint the Bishop of Oxford had ordered that services should be held at 10.30 am and 3pm. But the villagers said this order was ignored. 


Another argument advanced was that Ackhampstead was just too far from the rest of the parish to be convenient for those living in those places who were also not very close to Lewknor. Well those at Ackhampstead had the answer to that. They would personally donate to the cost of building a church somewhere else that would suit these other hypothetical people, as long as their own chapel at Ackhampstead was allowed to stay open. They REALLY wanted to keep it. 


Arguments for closure

Now for the other side of the argument. Phillip Wroughton of Ibstone House said there was no evidence the chapel was intended only for the benefit of those at Ackhampstead/Finnemoor rather than the parish as a whole. So the needs of everyone no matter how far they they lived from Ackhampstead should be considered.  He said the chapels maintenance was provided for out of a general rate paid for by everyone and the principal residents of places such as Cadmore End and Studderidge (Stutridge) districts had always maintained pews there at times. So it was quite reasonable that the chapel should be effectively be moved somewhere more central in the parish in order to suit the most number of people. 


50 people who said they lived outside of the Moor and Finnemoor district but whose family used Ackhampstead chapel anyway wrote to the Bishop to support his idea of closing Ackhampstead. This was because they said they were happy to go to the new church at Frieth as it was nearer to them. If these out of district worshippers stopped going to Ackhampstead, probably only 20 worshippers would be left they claimed. So it might as well be shut up. The Bishop published this favourable letter and his grateful reply. This was followed by a letter from 46 people in Cadmore End also supporting the decision. 


The other main argument in favour of closing Ackhampstead chapel down was it was difficult to get to because of the state of the footways and lanes leading to it. The naysayers said those coming from the South or West had to cross Moor Common which "during the great part of the year, and always after wet, is a swamp" or otherwise cross some meadows ("swampy" ) or some fields ("virtually impassable" except in the summer.) There were no houses on the east. From the North it was accessed either through a "dirty field" or through a farmyard and along a lane that was considered difficult to traverse all year round after rain. The previous winter people had preferred walking through a ploughed field to passing up that lane. However this claim about the difficulty of travel was treated with some scorn in the press. It was only a matter of concern for those making the journey and those same people were overwhelmingly in favour of continuing to do so, mud or no. Joseph Townsend pointed to those from outside Ackhampstead who claimed to make up most of the regular worshippers there. If the journey was so difficult why did do so many of them make it and not travel to Hambledon for example instead? Joseph said those attending often came from Hambledon itself or Frieth. He added that he had made a path at his own expense and partially through his private land to allow pleasant access to Ackhampstead from the direction of those two places.  He had allowed  this to be appropriated for general use as a footpath, but those mentioning the marsh and miry fields had forgotten to mention it. And should anyone suggest that Joseph had no right as a resident of Wood End to interfere with Ackhampstead matters, he countered that no one seemed to mind it when he donated money to the Vicar of Lewknor to look after Ackhampstead. (Money that several years later had not been spent on the project it was collected for - the fencing in of the glebe land around the chapel.)


There was much debate about whether the various cottagers would be closer to Ackhampstead or the new Frieth church. One side said of 11 cottages they considered to be within Ackhampstead, only 6 were closest to the ancient chapel and for some of those the difference was only 40 yards. (The Lewknor/ Hambledon parish boundary line was partially made up of the outer wall of one of those cottages.) For those that would be left further to travel, the inconvenience would be made up as there was a good "hard road" to Frieth they said. 


Be careful in Cadmore End

At this time it was suggested that a church might be built at Cadmore if Ackhampstead closed. It's funny to think of it now but Cadmore End or "Cadmoor" / "Cadmer End" as it was often known was considered a "wild place". Partly this was apparently because the residents lived so far from their mother church. The result? "A deplorable state of spiritual destitution". I don't know what the  agricultural labourers of Cadmore were up to exactly to cause this spiritual panic but saving their souls was apparently the real motivation for providing a church closer to them. I'm not sure that really holds water as those advancing this argument admitted that Ackhampstead was only one and a half miles away from the riotous Cadmore Enders of which there would be about 150 in number. If they wouldn't make such a short journey to Ackhampstead would they bother to turn up at another chapel slightly nearer? And there was also the chapel at Lane End, also one and a half miles away. I don't think the suggestion by the Ackhampstead residents that they'd contribute to the cost of a chapel like Cadmore was taken seriously. This was despite the fact they claimed to have £600 of the projected £800 promised already.  It was claimed that Lewknor wasn't a wealthy living and couldn't support two chapel of eases so if there was going to be one in the spiritual wasteland of Cadmore End, the other had to go. On the other hand, those at Ackhampstead said that if things were so bad at Cadmore, no doubt the church would be happy to pay to do something about it without interfering with Ackhampstead. 


It was strongly denied that Hambledon parish was going to get any payment to take on Ackhampstead. In fact the curate of Hambledon would lose his stipend for preaching at Ackhampstead if it closed. 


Your district or mine? 

Part of the problem was the issue of whether Frieth would be a built as a chapel of ease for Hambledon or would be part of a proposed new church district. This doesn't seem much of an issue in our eyes but it mattered for the reasons Joseph Townsend stated in a letter to the local paper. Technically if those at Ackhampstead were to continue to live in a different church district from Hambledon and Frieth, they did not have the automatic right to attend services in those places. They could only attend "on sufferance" as the worshippers from Hambledon had been allowed to attend Ackhampstead in the past. But if Frieth was made a new district, with Ackhampstead made part of it, they would be able to attend Frieth in their own right. I don't think anyone was seriously going to enforce these residential requirements because it's obvious that no one had done so in the recent past here. But it was a matter of principle to Joseph that the Ackhampstead people should not be cast adrift without really belonging to the nearest place of worship. Of course if a church was built at Cadmore End it would be in the same existing Lewknor Uphill parish as Ackampstead, and they could form a new district together. 


Decisions made

Back to the court case in 1849. The villagers and the two major landowners in the area (Sir William Robert Clayton of Harleyford with 300 acres and Joseph Townsend of Wood End with 134 acres) were in agreement they wanted and needed the chapel. Their plea via Disraeli included the desire that it should be possible to quickly and easily obtain justice if coming up against the ecclesiastical authorities. As things stood a "want of wealth " subjected citizens to injury in the face of the "uncontrollable power" of the ecclesiastical law. Well Clayton and Townsend did not suffer from a want of wealth and presumably it was they who paid for the appeal. But the point was understood in the national papers and the fight was partially  presented as the poor against the wealthy. The Bucks Advertiser, on the side of the Ackhampstead people, said of the Bishop of Oxford "those that do not speak of him with contempt regard him with indifference". 


The Consistory Court was presided over by Dr Phillimore (chancellor for the Diocese of Oxford) who said he thought it right to consider the Bishop of Oxfords views "with attention and respect" although the Bishop would have to abide by any decision he made. Not the most hopeful start perhaps. The court had been adjourned eleven times previously though, so I'm sure the petitioners against were more than ready to get things underway. (On 9 occasions it was because Dr Phillimore wasn't in attendance. This treatment did not go unnoticed in the national press). It was determined that those opposed to the chapels removal would not be allowed to be heard directly as they had expected but only through a legal representative, which increased their costs. 


Dr Phillimore considered the information from the endowment of Lewknor vicarage in 1412. This stated that it was entitled to all tithes from Ackhampstead and Fennymoor  and that divine service should be held at Ackhampstead every Sunday by either the vicar or a chaplain appointed by him. In 1685 the tithes of Ackhampstead were to go to Ackhampstead chapel along with the small tithes of Cadmore End. The first decision was did he have the power to grant a faculty (permission) for the removal of Ackhampstead chapel anyway? The answer he decided was yes and it was now time to consider whether he should. 


Ackhampstead's residents had strongly objected to the idea you could legally move a church. They thought the only precedent was in a case of a dilapidated one in which case a vestry (parish meeting) could be called and a rate (tax) could be decided upon to pay for the demolition of the old and rebuilding the new, in the SAME spot. Ackhampstead was in a fine condition. A vestry had been called, and in this all of the residents of Ackhampstead had voted against the move. But they weren't the only ones invited - all parishioners in Lewknor could attend and the majority of those had voted for closure. Ackhampstead said the opinion of people who actually used the chapel should be the ones listened to. 


In the end, the decision was made the chapel should go. No appeal options were left. The villagers would be given the benefit of attending Frieth but those with seats (eg family pew) in Ackhampstead would not be given them at Frieth automatically. There were however some conditions to Dr Phillimore's permission. The faculty would be granted subject to an £800 bond payable by those applying for it (Rev Dean of Lewknor) as a reassurance that the chapel should be rebuilt (or rather replaced, at Cadmore End) and that they would meet the costs of the building. (Actually they planned to raise a subscription fund to pay for the construction.) He suggested that two specific clauses should be inserted in to the faculty  - one to prevent a local rate (tax) being levied to pay for the church in the end, and secondly one to protect the old chapel from "desecration". I'm not sure if the second was included in the final version but if so, it was not abided by. 


Final service

The last service was held on 3rd June 1849 "to the deep regret if the poor who had so long worshipped within its sacred walls". Even this wasn't managed sensitively. The villagers attending did not know in advance that the doors would be shut to them afterwards and that they'd never be allowed one last look inside. (Although see below)  It was presumed that as a decision had been made to proceed with a church at Cadmore End, Ackhampstead would be allowed to stay open until it was finished and ready for services. But this didn't happen. The vicar of Lewknor announced after the service "without a word of comment or explanation" that the chapel was now closed. 


 Frieth church of St John the Evangelist was consecrated by the Bishop of Oxford in June 1849. It was indeed paid for by voluntary subscription. Questions were raised as to whether it would be big enough at 150 sittings to meet the needs of all those from the Hambledon area who said they'd prefer to attend there, as well as those from Ackhampstead. An extension was made to the building in 1872 it "not being sufficiently large for the congregation attending it"  so these concerns were probably justified. The new south aisle was constructed by Marlow builder Mr Corby.* 


Demolition job? 

You probably noticed the Ackhampstead residents accused the Church of not only wanting to shut their chapel but actually pull it down. Was this actually realistic? Although it's easy to find example of long abandoned chapels that had been converted into other usage, it doesn't seem to have been considered dignified or proper for Ackhampstead to be used for something else. The idea of pulling down an ancient structure horrified some. But those who thought it would otherwise fall into ruins said such an obvious sign of neglect would be "distasteful". I think the real problem was if the chapel was left standing, the Lewknor parish wouldn't have wanted to pay for its maintenance just for appearances sake, and possibly couldn't afford to. It's a pity no record of any bequests relating to its upkeep were still to be found. 


What was lost. 

When Frieth Church was built it was said to be about 7ft longer and 2 ft broader than the existing Ackhampstead chapel. 


The best descriptions of Ackhampstead come from the first few years after its closure. I'm especially grateful to the reporter of the Bucks Herald who described it in 1850. He thought it was beautiful and probably one of the oldest chapel of ease in existence. The bell had bore the date of 1665 he said. 


The main gist of the Bucks Herald article was to record his astonishment at how a chapel which had been complete and in good repair just a year before had degenerated into such a state. It was "bare ruins". The lead had been stripped from the font first. Then the hangings had vanished from the pulpit and reading desk. This was followed by the loss of the glass and lead from the windows, the inscribed bell, many of the pews and the reading desk. Worse still an old bricked up door had been broken through and the stone and brickwork had been partially destroyed. The writer firmly blamed the church authorities for failing to properly secure the building after the final service. He said for 5 months it had stood unprotected, and even after that someone had got in and took up the floor, roof, remaining pews and seating. The building deserved better he said, and we can only agree. He thought if it was thought better to let it disappear it should have been razed with "reverence and dignity". 


A guide to ecclesiastical topography published in 1850 says that Ackhampstead chapel was a small, poor affair (in terms of decoration or monuments probably) with no particular features of interest although they do not mention it being in a ruinous state so it's not clear when they visited. These guides obviously take time to compile. It's also worth noting that this book covered the diocese of Oxford and the material was submitted for "correction" as necessary to the Archdeacon. He probably would not have wanted to dwell on the charms if any of such a bone of contention!


 An especial concern at the time of the newspaper writers visit, was that no work had begun on Cadmore End church although it soon would be. By 1912 only a fragment of the flint walls of Ackhampstead remained. The visitor describing it then could only guess that it seemed to have been rectangular with lancet windows. Trees and shrubs were growing within the ruins. 


We will never know who was responsible for this destruction. It was traditional to strip buildings and recycle materials, and if the Church authority did not seem to care what happened to it, why should the locals who could give the materials new life? It would be nice to think some of the contents such the hangings might have survived in the hands of one of those who fought so hard to keep the chapel open. The new Cadmore End church would bear the name of its destroyed namesake, St Mary Le Moor, and became an independent ecclesiastical parish. 



 NB:

Ackhampstead was later attached to Marlow for poor law, licencing and school purposes and became part of the ecclesiastical parish of Hambledon. 


Written and researched by Kathryn Day. 


Related Posts:

This blog deals with Great Marlow itself mainly but an index of posts about nearby places is available here

*For other construction projects of Thomas Corby see here

Index of church related posts here

To find every mention of a family or individual here use the A-Z person index in the top drop down menu.

If you are looking for an ancestor that lived at Ackhampstead and you are wondering where they might be buried (or married) try Lewknor, the mother church. 


Sources include

Kelly's Directory of Buckinghamshire/Oxfordshire 1899

The Ecclesiastical and Architectural Topography of England: Oxford Diocese - Royal Archaeological Institute of Great Britain (John Henry Parker, 1850)

An inventory of the historical monuments of Buckinghamshire  - Commission on the historical monuments and constructions of England (HMSO 1912)

Wiebe, M G (Ed.)  - Benjamin Disraeli Letters Volume 5, (Toronto University Press Inc, 1993)

Bucks Advertiser and Aylesbury News 9th June (which also quotes the Daily News of that month) & 27th October 1849;Bucks Herald  26 March & 4th November 1842, 21st & 28th October & 4th November 1848,  10th & 17th Feb, 7th April,  12 & 19th May, 9th & 23rd June 1849, 16th Feb 1850; Oxford Journal 20th October 1849; Reading Mercury 16th September & 28th October 1848. All these via the BNA. 

The Times 21st August 1848. 

The Victoria County History of Buckinghamshire 1925. 

© MarlowAncestors



 





Wednesday, October 20, 2021

Lane End Chairmakers

Lane End within the parish of Great Marlow for a time was home to a large number of men, women and children working in the chair making industry. The village specialised in not only domestic chairs but in church seating too. There was a pub there called the Chairmakers Arms.

Below is listed with as much detail as my notes contain everyone I have ever come across working as a chair maker in Lane End whether as a business owner or a labourer.

I have been compiling this list for years from court cases, censuses, adverts, wills, etc that I was looking at for other research reasons. There are more to upload both in terms of references to individuals already listed and of new individuals to list. The names below will just be the tip of the iceberg in terms of involvement in the trade.

Dates next to any name are when I found reference to them as being both a chair maker and in Lane End. The person listed may have operated earlier or later too.

Allen, Albert. 1894.

Allen, Isaac. Accused of poaching 1876.

Avery, Daniel. 1890.

Bennell, Henry. Accused of assaulting John Sharp (Reading Mercury, 12th October 1872 via the BNA / British Library).

George Biggs. Accused of poaching. 1876.

Bird, Richard. Chair turner 1893.

Bishop, Henry. 1910, 13.

Bishop, Ralph Spence. 1902.

Catton, Amos. Chair manufacturer. 1861- 1893. In 1871 employed 37 men and 27 boys. Born circa 1832.

Catton, Joseph. 1876.

Collier, A. Manufacturer at Moor Common. Garden as well as indoor furniture. 1910.

Cooper, John : In 1897 John suffers a serious accident while working on a "reeding machine" at Mr E Smith's chair factory. This machine has knife blades within it, and John's hands are drawn into them, resulting in injuries to 4 fingers. One is subsequently amputated. This was nevertheless considered a miraculous escape. 

Cutler, Charles AKA Charlie. Chair maker 1881, 91. Wesleyan. Trained as a preacher. Son of Reuben and Sarah. Dad also chair maker. Brother of chair maker James.

Cutler, Edwin. Born circa 1835. Chair maker 1861, 1871. Wife Frances who was a lace maker. Parents Ann and William. Brother of Elizabeth, Isaac, Jane, Reuben too.

Cutler, Elizabeth. 12 year old chair caner on 1861 census. Daughter of Ann and William Cutler. Mother dead by 1861. Father also chair maker. Sister of chair makers Edwin, Isaac, Jane, Reuben.

Cutler, Isaac. Chair maker 1871. Son of Ann and William, also a chair maker. Wife Elizabeth a lace maker. Brother of chair makers Edwin, Elizabeth, Isaac, Jane, Reuben.

Cutler, James. Born circa 1866. Chair maker 1891. Son of Reuben, a chair maker, and Sarah. Brother of chair makers Charles, Owen and Walter.

Cutler, Jane 15 year old chair caner on 1861 census. Daughter of Ann and William. Dad also a chair maker. Possible marriage for her West Wycombe Albert Stephens 1866. Sister of chair makers Edwin, Elizabeth, Isaac, Jane, Reuben.

Cutler, Owen. Chair maker 1881. Chair back maker 1891. Born circa 1862. Wife Mary. Moved to Bolter End. Son of Reuben, a chair maker and Sarah. Brother of chair makers Charles, James, Walter.

Cutler, Reuben. Prominent Lane End Wesleyan, involved with the Wycombe chapels too. Member early 1900s of Lane End Parish Council. Prize winning cottage gardener. Specifically chair back maker. Son of Ann and William, who was also a chair maker. Brother of chair makers Edwin, Elizabeth, Isaac, Jane, Reuben. Wife Sarah lace maker early in marriage.

Cutler, Walter. Born circa 1861. Chair maker 1881. Son of Reuben, a chair maker and Sarah. Brother of chair makers Charles, Owen, James.

Dunn, Harry. Fined for being in a pub after hours. 1879.

Ellis, George. Born circa 1825. Apprentice chair maker 1841. Chair maker 1851,61. Born West Wycombe. Son of Alice and Stiles Ellis. Wife Sarah. Father of chair maker Sarah Jane.

Ellis, Sarah Jane. A 15 year old chair caner 1861 census. Daughter of chair maker George and Sarah his wife.

Fletcher, William. Charged poaching Stokenchurch 1869.

Gill, Charles. A 16 year old chair maker census 1861. Brother of chair maker William.

Gill, William. A 14 year old chair maker on 1861 census. Brother of chair maker Charles.

Gray, Richard. Drinking in a pub after closing time. 1879.

Jarvis, James. 1843-52.

Jarvis, Joseph. Grocer and chair manufacturer 1861-83. Born circa 1824 Reading according to census. Wife Sarah who was buried Lane End 1903 and was nee A..ns (Atkins?) Father of chair makers Leonard and William.

Jarvis, Leonard. 1881-92 when became insolvent. Born 1857 West Wycombe to Joseph, also a chair maker. Mother Sarah. Wife Charlotte.

Jarvis, William. Chair maker 1881. Born circa 1862 to Joseph, also a chair maker and Sarah. Brother of chair maker Leonard.

Jones, Joseph. Fined for being drunk and disorderly. 1879.

Plumridge, George. Born circa 1848. Was a 13 year old chair maker 1861 census. Brother of chair maker Henry. Child of James and Susannah.

Plumridge, Henry. 15 year old chair maker 1861 census. Son of James and Susannah. Brother of chair maker George.

Rolfe, William. 1877.

Rose, John. In a pub after hours 1879. (Bucks Herald. 10th May 1879. Via the BNA / British Library)

Savage, John. 1843.

Savage, William. 1852.

Sears, Emmanuel. Born circa 1833. Parents Henry and Hannah. Chair maker 1851, 1861. Wife Ann lace maker. They moved from Lane End. Emmanuel died 1908. Siblings Henry, James, Mary Ann and Richard all chair makers.

Sears, Henry (1). Born circa 1810. Chair turner. 1861-9. Wife Hannah. Father of chairmakers Emmanuel, Henry, James and Mary Ann and Richard. Hannah died in Maidenhead aged 81 in 1892.

Sears, Henry (2) born circa 1846. Chair maker 1861 census and 1868. Beer retailer and chair maker 1872-1883. Pub was Bricklayer's Arms Moor Common. Son of Hannah and Henry. Dad a chair turner. Brother of chair makers James, Mary Ann and Richard.

Sears, James (1). Old offender fined for drunkenness 1865 ( Bucks Herald/28th Jan 1865).

Sears, James (2). Born circa 1844. Chair maker 1861. Parents Henry, a chair turner, and Hannah. Siblings Emmanuel, Henry, Mary Ann and Richard also chair makers.

Sears, Mary Ann. A 12 year old chair caner 1861. Daughter of Hannah and Henry Sears. Dad a chair turner. Sister of chair makers Emmanuel, Henry, Richard and James.

Sears, Richard. Born circa 1837. Chair maker 1861. Son of Hannah and Henry. Siblings Henry, James, Mary Ann all chair makers.

Sears, Samuel. Chair maker 1861 census employing 60 men, 10 boys and 15 girls. Owned Brickmakers Arms Lane End 1872. Still chair maker and also grocer 1883. Wife Anne. Samuel was born circa 1816 and died 1890.

Sears, Thomas. Accused poaching 1876.

Seymour, George. 1918. Employed by Mr Smith.

Smith, Richard. Owned chair making business from circa 1892. Sued 1896 for unpaid timber bill of £50. Sued for alleged damage at Twyford caused by him carting timber over the land of Francis Bulkeley (Bucks Herald 7th Aug 1897, via the BNA and British Library) Bankrupt 1904.

Stevens, Thomas. 1880.

Trendall, John. 1877.

For more Lane End content see "Other Places" on the menu.

All mentions of an individual on this blog can be found under the Person Index.

©Marlow Ancestors.

Tuesday, August 3, 2021

Hush Money and Wildcats - Pets In Marlow History

As in the modern day keeping pets was popular in Marlow's past. Dogs were the most popular though a good many kept were used primarily as guard dogs, sporting animals or working dogs first and companion animals (if at all) second.

Sale adverts, court cases, recorded memories and dog show results tell us that Victorian Marlovians kept toy dogs, fox terriers, bulldogs, bull terriers, lurchers, greyhounds, cocker and other spaniels, retrievers, fox terriers, collies and Newfoundlands amongst other breeds.

Lurchers were primarily used for blood sports and poaching purposes.

In 1878 a spaniel puppy advertised in the Reading Mercury would set you back 10 shillings sixpence.

A Dog Tax applied 1796 to 1882. This was in addition to the cost of a dog licence for each animal kept except sheepdogs, imposed from 1867 onwards. I have found no local prosecutions for avoiding dog tax but those for failing to have a dog licence were two a penny. It has been estimated that nationally the compliance rate for having a licence in Victorian England was only around 50 per cent. Marlow's constables however were zealous in seeking out dog owners without licences, securing fines from them. In 1878 each licence cost 7 shillings sixpence, an eye watering amount for poor families and the obvious reason why virtually all prosecutions for not having a licence were of the poor. They often used their dogs for the night time poaching of rabbits, hares and pheasants. Ferrets were also used for rabbiting but the low number of Marlow prosecutions for that suggest that it was not as common.

Taking a dog out in the countryside could be risky. William Clayton Esquire had iron dog spikes all around his game preserve near Moor Common in the 1810s. A dog belonging to a Mr Deane [probably John Deane] accidentally entered this land when chasing a hare and was impaled. The poor animal died as soon as he was freed from the spike. It was the fifth dog to have so died in the space of a few years and Mr Deane took Clayton to court.

The estate staff of Clayton were evasive when questioned about how the spikes came to be present. The defence implied that they were intended only to kill foxes imported from aboard and let loose locally. Who was thought to be releasing such foxes does not seem to have been said. Though bringing in foxes to replace those slaughtered by the hunt did occur in this period releases would be into the protected and contained estates of hunt supporters not just into the countryside at random and I find no reference anywhere to the importation of animals from abroad for this purpose.

In any event the judge refused to except any version of events other than that Clayton had ordered the spikes put up in order to kill dogs. He savaged Clayton for this illegal practice and said a woman or child who mistook their way could just have easily been spiked. £15 in damages were awarded to Mr Deane.

Dogs themselves could be a danger of course. In 1882 three dogs at Bisham Abbey were attacked by an aggressive roaming dog, one receiving injuries so severe that it had to be put down. The same aggressive dog later gave a nasty bite to 13 year old village girl Annie May. The local constable found the animal and shot it. 

That dog was fortunately not infected with rabies but the disease was a real problem for our ancestors. Rumours of sightings of mad dogs anywhere locally struck fear into the town. Searchers went out to try to find such dogs and shoot them before they could spread the disease to other animals or people. Outbreaks of rabies nevertheless occurred in Marlow and Turville in the summer of 1896 and in Marlow again in 1925. During such times the movement of dogs to other areas was banned and all dogs had to be muzzled in public. The requirement to have your dog muzzled was also enforced at other times, seemingly haphazardly.

In 1896 Edward Suthall a farmer of Handy Cross was jailed for refusing to pay a fine for having a dangerous unmuzzled dog which had repeatedly attacked the Marlow constable PC Tapping when he was on patrol up there. The judge did not believe the defendant's claim that the dog did not belong to him.

On a happier note dog owners could win prizes by entering them into local events such as the dog show held in the grounds of Spinfield House Marlow in 1883. Both men and women were prizewinners. Successful dogs included some wonderfully named individuals- Pork Pie, Rags and Tatters, Lord Edward, Hush Money, Naphill Scamp, Hughenden Daisy and Comet to name but a few. Spinfield was also the venue for a "pet party" -  that is a fun pet show, in 1912. It was to raise funds to build the new church school (Holy Trinity) and included prizes for both the prettiest and ugliest animal contestants! Entered pets included toads, tortoises, ants and silkworms. (There was also a prize for human babies..)

While eating scraps from the family meal along with what additional meat could be afforded by their owners was normal for most dogs commercial dog biscuits could be bought in Marlow by the early 1890s. There were no pet shops then. Dog food was bought from ironmongers or agricultural suppliers. These businesses would also sell you worming and flea solutions and food for your poultry and pet birds.

The keeping of cage birds, canaries and linnets especially, as pets was popular with women. Virtually all agricultural shows had classes for them. Walter Lovegrove grocer of Marlow High Street was a frequent judge of pet bird and poultry classes throughout the area in the late 1800s. More about the tragic Walter here

No Marlow show in the 1800s had a cat class that I can discover though they were found in other Bucks shows as were classes for pet rabbits (as opposed to rabbits raised for meat) and even pet mice.

Guinea pigs were found as pets in Britain by the 1890s but don't feature in any local shows I can see.

There were plenty of feral cats in the town. Mr Cocks bred actual wildcats at his home near the river. His near neighbour Captain Marshall didn't stop there having a whole menagerie of exotic animals such as elephants and lions. Kathryn has written a whole post on that subject if you are interested here

Richard Blake of West Street trained an "enormous" cat to turn tricks. More on him here.

In 1889 Colonel Wethered donated a female  monkey to the Royal Zoological Society- perhaps a pet or why else did he have one?? (This monkey had been brought over from the Congo 3 years before the gift.)  Mrs Coppinger of Thames Lawn certainly owned a "riotsome" monkey in 1890 and liked to take it out on her steam launch Eunice, to the amusement of passers by on the riverbank. Mrs Crashaw was rather astonishingly reunited in Marlow with a monkey she had lost some time before while living in Kent. Known as Jacko, it had apparently found its way into the hands of a pair of Italian youths who had come to Marlow coincidentally with it as a performing animal. Mrs Crawshay saw it in the street, recognised some markings it had and found the animal remembered the tricks she had taught him. Arrangements were eventually made for Jacko to be returned to its former owner. The youths were compensated for the 30s they had paid for the monkey. The seller had been a stranger whom they had met in Portsmouth, or so they said. 


Sources:

Bazaar Exchange and Mart and Journal of the Household. Volume 47. 1892.

https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dog_licence

The Shooters Guide, Ninth Edition. By B Thomas.

Maidenhead Advertiser 1st February 1882 and Bucks Herald 8th February 1896 British Library via the BNA.

The Zoologist, A monthly journal of Natural History by Newman West 1881.

Slough, Eton and Windsor Observer September 3 1887, 26 July 1912. Slough Library. 

Proceedings of the Zoological Society of London - W H Fowler 1893. 


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