Life for the Marlow children at the Union school at Bledlow

This is part 2 of a post dealing with the life of Marlow's residents when they spent their time at either the Union workhouse at Saunderton or the residential school for school age children at Bledlow. 

Life for the children at Bledlow 

In 1891 the master of Saunderton said he took the children out for a walk once a week. When it was suggested a daily constitutional would be better for them, he stated that he did not have enough staff to do this. The little ones were allowed time to play outside when the weather allowed but they had no dedicated playroom as such for use during poor weather. The children were occupied at lessons and their "work" between 8 and noon and between 2-4pm, Sundays excepted. Dinner was 12.30 pm. The "work" was obviously dependent on age, but typically included helping tend the vegetable garden or pump water for the boys, and assist with the laundry or mending for the girls. They had a certain amount of donated books and toys and the master allowed them to make mud slides in the yard. The girls also had a swing as provided by a local benefactor in 1880. 

They wore a sort of uniform all the time they were at the school. It was either a plain grey or dark coloured cord trouser suit for the boys with a matching cap  or dresses for the girls of the same material. 

Entertainments 

As monotonous as daily life may have been for the young "inmates" I'm pleased to say they were not forgotten during the "high days and holidays" of the year. 

In the 1880s and 1890s in particular visits were made by groups of singers and minstrels who were given permission to entertain the youngsters. The Marlow "Loyal Duck Lane Minstrels" were once such troupe who travelled to the main work house at Saunderton several times in the late 1880s and early 1890s. The children of Bledlow were bought along in hired brakes and waggons to enjoy the show. They were given an orange and some sweets before they headed home. All residents young and old were provided with a special tea abundant in cake, as paid for by Marlow residents. 

At Christmas the youngsters could look forward to a number of treats provided by local men and women year after year. Oranges, nuts and sweets always featured in these, and often a magic lantern show or similar entertainment followed. Christmas dinner was a special one by the standards of the normal fare and the general daily routine was relaxed.   

The lady visitors come calling 

In 1895 a committee of lady visitors was established for Bledlow. Thereafter it's noticeable that many improvements were made in favour of the children's comfort. In the same year a Band of Hope was established at Bledlow for the boys. This was a Christian temperance focused sort of youth club. Also the children were allowed to join a Sunday Bible class at Bledlow itself, which was also open children not resident in the house. This was in addition to an agreement that the juvenile inmates could attend the Wesleyan Sunday schools in the village. The children were marched there and back and their "industrial teacher" took one of the classes at the chapel. Some of guardians complained the lady visitors were constantly making suggestions, and some were dangerously close to letting the little ones be treated better than the offspring of the labouring poor in the outside they feared. (For example the ladies idea of providing night clothes for the boys so they didn't have to sleep in the same clothes they wore all day. The matter was dropped on cost grounds officially.) But the ladies were successful at securing donations of  footballs (from Marlow Football Club) and cricket stumps, bats and balls (courtesy of Marlow Cricket Club) all collected by Marlow's Walter Lovegrove. The fairly new master and mistress Mr and Mrs Quint were also responsible for improving the atmosphere at Bledlow in the 1890s. It was noted that since their arrival the children had had better spirits and were more animated, especially when Mr Quint joined in their games.

Where were their parents? 

Some of children at Bledlow were orphans, some had parents in the Saunderton workhouse, some were children abandoned by their families (who would face charges of leaving their dependents "on the parish" if traced)  and a few were admitted on a special case basis while their parents could not care for them eg because they were widowed and needed to travel to seek work (but these parents were required to contribute to their children's maintenance.) A few were admitted because the widowed parent could not support all their offspring and so a difficult decision was made to put some in the workhouse while others stayed at home. 

The decision to house the school age children separate from the adults was not just for space reasons. Many thought it desirable the children should be kept free of "polluting" and "contaminating "influences even if they were their own family! Poverty and idleness and criminality were considered by some Victorians to be inevitable bed fellows so poor adults needed to be kept at a safe distance. This was one reason an 1881 plan to move the children from Bledlow into an extended Saunderton workhouse were not proceeded with. It's interesting that in 1891 when the idea was mooted again, those in its favour said that it was impossible to keep the children entirely away from potentially bad adults already as their parents could visit them every day if liked. Obviously those at Saunderton could not just walk out to pay their offspring a call - they required permission from the master to leave and he may not have been willing to grant it day after day in practice. Any other family wanting to visit the youngsters would also require permission from the Bledlow master to do so. The board considered Saunderton then had enough room to keep the children reasonably apart from others but they stayed at Bledlow. Some children were of course at Saunderton too, mainly because of their young age. 

Children under 10 years were  routinely boarded out within the community from 1891 unless they were considered unsuitable for some reason. Some of those caring for the children were Marlow and Little Marlow families, but their young guests were not necessarily from those places. They were provided with a suit of clothes and their foster parents could apply for more as needed. This boarding out meant the Bledlow premises were not as full as the early years before the boarding out began. In 1891 there were 36 little residents. A relative lack of crowding was considered to be one reason why the children had less outbreaks of infectious conditions such as conjunctivitis or head lice than was usual in such institutions. 

The Premises

By the 1890s the Bledlow buildings were considered to be in poor condition. A group of guardians visiting making their customary fortnightly visit in 1893 were alarmed by the state of the stairs which had holes at the corners large enough for one gentleman to poke his umbrella through. The water pump was stiff and heavy too. Repairs were made slowly but it doesn't sound like an especially warm and draught free place to grow up! 

Leaving Bledlow 

The youngsters were sent to be apprentices or into service for training or employment when considered old enough, unless of course a family member was able to claim and house them. It seems that some of the wages were subsidised. Those going out into the world were given an outfit to go away with.  Anyone interested in taking on one of the teenagers would apply to the board. It was not a given that the request would be granted or that the boys and girls were allowed to go with just anyone. The employers were interviewed and some applications were refused altogether. If accepted in principle, they would be invited to select in person from a choice of three boys or girls chosen by the masters as most likely to be suitable. For, example in 1892 Mrs William Creswell at High Rews farm in Marlow chose 12 year old Amelia Webb from Thame to come to her.  Sometimes the children refused to go and while some pressure might be exerted, they were not actually forced to. They could also be "returned" if the arrangement didn't work out. I saw one girl had come back three times while they were despairing of placing a 14 year old would be servant who had had no offers. (Girls had to leave Bledlow at 16.)

They made special efforts NOT to place the children in "advantageous positions" as opposed to putting them in a situation considered fit and at a  "proper level" for children of the labouring class. This was yet another way to prevent the idea of abandoning children to the parish to "better their prospects" appearing attractive. I wonder how many children might have been lifted out of poverty if those willing to give them a head start regardless would have been allowed to do so. 

In 1894 the Grimsby North Sea Trawling co asked if they had any lads desirous of going to sea.  There were three boys age 14 & 15 who the master approached but the only one who fancied life as a fisherman was considered too short!

Some children (before the boarding out began) spent their entire childhoods at Bledlow. How strange they must have found life "on the outside". 

Written and researched by Kathryn Day. 

For sources, see part one.

Related posts: 

The Wretched - poverty in Victorian and Edwardian Marlow  here

Marlow workhouse keepers the Reeves here

The life of James Croxon - friend to the poor here

From the workhouse to convict ships - the Brothers Frith here

Marlow hero John Langley here

General posts about everyday life in old Great Marlow here

 

© MarlowAncestors. 

Will of Andrew Medwin of Little Marlow 1753

 Yeoman.  WILL WRITTEN IN 1749, PROVED 1753.

Weak in body but of sound and disposing mind, memory and understanding.

Commends soul to God and asks for a decent internment by his executors.

Loving wife Mary and sons Aaron and Thomas all messuages[houses], cottages, lands, tenements, and hereditaments as tenants in common. Subject to the payment of all legacies in the will.

Daughters Mary and Ann £150 each.

Daughter Elizabeth £150 at the age of 21 with the interest that accrues on it until then.

Residual money, stock, goods, chattels and anything else to wife Mary and sons Thomas and Aaron equally. They to pay his debts and the legacies to his daughters. Mary his wife and his sons Aaron and Thomas all joint executors of the will.

If Mary remarried she is no longer to be an executor of the will or have interest in his estate [this would be because otherwise her new husband would become legally possessed of her property upon their marriage]. If Mary remarries she is to receive a £10 annuity for life paid for out of his estate.

A deduction from Thomas's inheritance is to be made for his board, maintenance and education.

Witnessed by John Clark, Joseph Meaks, and Zach. Allnutt [Zachary Allnutt, a Marlow attorney].

Note: Andrew does not mention his son Luke (who was living) in his will. 

Andrew was first married to a Judith and then as a widower married Mary Keene of Great Marlow at Hughenden in 1716. 

Will of Andrew's brother Moses summarized on the blog here.

Andrew was the executor of the will of his uncle another Moses Medwin in 1701.

More on Aaron, Luke and Thomas sons of Andrew here. 

Transcribed from an original will held at the National Archives and then summarized here by me Charlotte Day. 

Please see the Will Transcriptions index for more posts like this. More Little Marlow content can be found on the Nearby Places menu.

©Marlow Ancestors. You are very welcome to use this will transcription summary for family or local history purposes with credit to this blog.

Lee grave, Great Marlow

Elizabeth Lee, wife of James Lee Jan 17 18(5?)7 aged LIV years.

And James Lee died Mar 18th 1864 age 73.

Grave located All Saints, Parish Church.

Photo and transcription by Kathryn Day. 

For a major local criminal case involving James Lee as a crucial witness see here.

A post about James and Mary's daughter Mary Ann is on the blog here

Please see the Graves Index for similar posts of Great Marlow and Little Marlow Graves.

All mentions if a person on this blog can be found in the A-Z Person Index. Thousands of people are mentioned.

©Marlow Ancestors. You are welcome to use this image for family or local history research with credit to this blog.

Edwardian Spittal Street and Spittal Square Part Two

EVEN NUMBERED PROPERTIES SPITTAL STREET.

Note: Our Marlow ancestors were terrible at giving precise or consistent street addresses for themselves or others, knowing exactly what number they lived at (!), and the authorities made some confusing even bizarre property numbering decisions (don't get us started on Berwick Road... ). Some properties in Market Square at the bottom of Spittal Street were officially numbered as if in Spittal Street and would be described as being in Market Square or Spittal Street depending on the whim of the describer. They are included here. Properties in Spittal Square were also numbered as if in Spittal Street. Most of those were given even numbers. Throughout history Spittal Street and Chapel Street which run into one another were repeatedly confused. Never believe any property is definitely in one street rather than the other without multiple pieces of evidence!

***Edwardian building numbers are not necessarily those of the modern day*** Several of the properties mentioned below no longer exist.

In this post I follow the popular perception of the "Edwardian age" as extending 1901-1914. Some incidents in the earlier lives of the named residents are also included. Spittal Square addresses are very sloppy and reconstructing this street was tough.  If anyone has been missed we hope to remedy that as soon as possible.

2 - 4 George Dorsett's grocery shop. Really in Market Square but numbered as Spittal Street. Bacon curer too. 

6 - 8 William Fisher's butcher's shop. Managed in a day to day basis by Frank Fisher from 1905 but William still in charge of the business overall. William was involved in an accident in 1910 when his horse drawn trap was in collision in the High Street with another vehicle and he was thrown out of it. William was much injured but fortunately had no broken bones. In the Edwardian era William supplied meat and groceries to the Union workhouse school in Bledlow Bucks which took children from Marlow and elsewhere. The quality of the meat he provided was questioned more than once. It has be said that the premises of William were considered a continuous serious health hazard by his Spittal Street neighbours and he was multiple times in court over sanitary breaches. The details are somewhat stomach churning and as you may have recently eaten we'll just draw a veil over the details. Like many butchers he kept some animals for slaughter - mostly pigs- out the back of his premises. In the Victorian era he had kept a stall at Marlow market too but it isn't clear whether he was still doing that in this era. By the end of the Edwardian age William no longer lived on the premises of his shop, but in Glade Road. His wife Elizabeth was nee Webb of the Webb of Field House Marlow family. William himself came from Aylesbury originally.

Premises on the edge of Market Square.

10  Sometimes given as Market Square but numbered as Spittal Street. Shop of Thomas "Tom" Rippington (bn 1879) fishmonger in 1907 and 1908. He also dealt in game and poultry. Smoked haddock a speciality! He was an assistant fishmonger on the 1901 census so must have come into his own business after that. Thomas is not to be confused with his dad Thomas Rippington of nearby Chapel Street who was not a fishmonger but a shorthand writer and marine store dealer. Tom and his wife Ruth moved to Great Missenden in late 1910 or 11 and his former Marlow premises were taken over by Nelson and Sons butchers. 

12 Sydney Smith's greengrocers. Members of this family continued the shop there for some years.

14 - 16 Bernal Harman chemist until his death in 1906 when his son Henry "Harry" Harman took over. A full biography of both Bernal and his son is already on the blog here. Long term chemist premises. 

18 William Smith, draper's shop. Wife Martha Jane ("Jane") born circa 1853 Maidenhead but William was a Londoner of origin. He was one of Marlow's volunteer firemen. Martha died after what was said to be a long and painful illness in 1908 at their home The Garth, Beaumont Rise. William continued to live at The Garth as a widower with his children Herbert and Dora.

20 Ironmongery ran by George Meakes until his death in 1903. Assisted by John Eddowes who then took over. A biographical post on these two is already on the blog here. Currently M&S food. 

22 - 24 Arthur Barnard's stores which were built at the very end of the Edwardian era. He already has a biography on the blog here. Prior to that three very small cottages stood on the site. Those properties were previously occupied by Thomas Andrews the hairdresser (wife Elizabeth), H Carter and the Steele family headed by William and Rosanna "Rose" Steele. William was a french polisher on his own account. His and Rosanna's son Sydney died of wounds he received while fighting in the First World War at Salonika. The Steele family previously lived at Bovingdon Green but had to leave when their thatched cottage burned to the ground. It was thought a spark from their fire of furze ignited the thatch. No one in the family was hurt and the family's possessions were saved. A lack of available water for the fire brigade and the fact the road from Marlow was so bad that the fire engine got stuck had contributed to the fire's destruction of their home. Using furze for fire would have been common at Bovingdon Green and Marlow Common as it could be gathered easily in the vicinity.

26 - 30 The Greyhound. For the Edwardian and other landlords of this historic  inn / hotel see here. (Demolished) 

32 Jacob's family home. Ralph Jacobs was a "marine store" dealer - that is a seller of secondhand items that would largely be of interest to those in trade or craft occupations (e.g carpentry tools or lead piping). They also traded in secondhand items a householder might use for gardening or home maintenance tasks. Examples of such items would be cloths  that could be used for cleaning, slop pails and garden tools. He later also operated as a rag and bone man and offered shoe repairs. His shop was at 32 but he also kept a storeroom for larger items in Duke's Place. His sons John and Ernest both helped in the business. Sadly Ernest was killed in action while fighting in the First World War. The mum in the family was Emily Margaret. This property no longer exists. In the first world war the Jacobs collected many items for the war effort. 

34 Over the Edwardian period George Dean boot and shoe maker and Ellen White needlewoman both occupied this cottage at different times. This property no longer exists. The cottage was a very old one that had in Georgian and Victorian times been a grocer's shop. To read about the grocers who operated from no 34 in the 1800s see here (Eagle Family) or here (East and Harriman). The latter post contains some upsetting content.

36 - 38 a largish property divided up in several ways. Wiggington family premises for many years. Robert Wiggington the coal dealer with a sideline in timber dealing operated from here as apparently did George Aughton a timber dealer who had a sideline in coal. George was also later recorded as a greengrocer and haulage contractor. Robert Wiggington died unexpectedly while out on his coal van in 1915. The property incorporated a shop (officially 38) which was ran as a general shop in the Edwardian era by Miss Emma Glynn Jones the Wiggington's granddaughter and later by George Aughton's wife Charlotte. This property no longer exists in any way.

40 - by the 1920s incorporated into number 38. This property no longer exists. In 1915 just after our era R Hawkes.

42 -cottage considered unfit for human habitation in 1907, owned by a Mr Collins. Probably lived in then by Mr J Edwards. This property no longer exists. 

44 cottage considered unfit for human habitation in 1907, owned by a Mr Collins. Probably lived in then by Mrs Young. Must have been refurbished as in 1915 just after our era no 44 was lived in by Walter Tew. This property no longer exists.

46 The Cross Keys SPITTAL SQUARE properly. Historic landlords listing here

48 at the end of this era the home of John Baxter. In earlier Edwardian times it was George Baxter, "wardrobe dealer" (that was a second hand furniture dealer not just selling wardrobes) who lived here.  SPITTAL SQUARE. Note the Rippington's wardrobe dealers was at no 2 Chapel Street next to the Cross Keys. Due to the bizarreness of the street numbering no 48 Spittal Square was actually on the opposite side of the street from the Cross Keys at no 46 which from bare numbering you would think would be next to it.

50 the home of widow Mary Ann Walker embroiderer at the start of the Edwardian era. She lived there with her niece Miss Mary Ann Stockbridge born 1857, who was a maker of embroidered baby bibs for her aunt's business, and then following her own death on her own account. Both women were beneficiaries of the will of Mary Ann Walker's husband Henry (who ran the baby linen and bib manufacturing business with his wife) following his death of bronchitis in 1894. The family had occupied this property since at least the 1870s. The Walkers employed many women in the town as embroiderers. Henry had spent his youth in the army, where he rose to the rank of Sergeant, not an easy thing for an ordinary man to do in those days. During his time serving in India he was part of the force which seized the famed Koh I Noor diamond and fought against the Indian Mutiny. After he left the armed services in 1864 he returned to Marlow, married and set up the embroidery business with his wife. SPITTAL SQUARE.

52-54 bakery of Walter Harris (also confectioner) and then Mr W Clark. SPITTAL SQUARE.

56 Mrs Mary Holland seamstress, self-employed. SPITTAL SQUARE.

58  John Birdseye. Baker there since at least the early 1890s. Spittal Square. He was in the same block of 4 properties as Frank Harvey the chimney sweep see above, so was an even number. John was born circa 1831 in Chesham. His wife Eliza was of Marlow origin. She died in 1904 and so late in the era as a retired widower John went to live with his daughter Sarah and son in law James Gray (a grocer and rent collector) at the impressive house Thamesfield near the river. Back in 1897 when Queen Victoria's jubilee was being celebrated in Marlow John put on an unusual public display when he exhibited some bread and cakes which he had made for the 1887 Jubilee, 10 years previously still in very good condition! John as a younger man served as a parish constable. The graves of Eliza and John are on the blog here. Both were members of the Baptist Church in Marlow and helped to raise money for its Glade Road building. Their daughter Sarah was a Congregational Chapel member.

When John Birdseye retired Edward Harvey baker and confectioner (wife Alice nee Barnes) took over. Early in the Edwardian era John sold bread and beer in nearby Chapel Street. They lived York Road.  Harvey's bakers was in operation for many years and was fondly remembered by many people. This property no longer exists. SPITTAL SQUARE.

60 the home of the West family headed by couple Emma and Owen West. Late in the Edwardian era Emma lived here as a widow supporting herself by working as a charwoman. SPITTAL SQUARE .This property no longer exists.

62  Francis "Frank" and Annie Harvey. Frank was a chimney sweep. In a block of 4 properties in SPITTAL SQUARE not far from the corner with Chapel Street. This property no longer exists.

Unplaced people of Edwardian Spittal Street, may be on either the odds or evens side of street unless otherwise stated. By unplaced I mean not certainly placed, there is often conflicting information:

Samuel and Rose Higgs. Samuel was a boot maker.

Mr Price who had a shop here in 1905 in which a fire broke out.

Mr Ransom butcher?

Mrs Elizabeth Sexton dressmaker and furrier. Born circa 1848 in Dorking Surrey. A widow who lived with her daughters Eleanor and Winifred, sister Eliza Plumridge and a lodger. Elizabeth had moved to Marlow from Maidenhead. Initially she lived with her daughters in Oxford Road. Eleanor married into the Gurney family of Glory Farm, Penn. Before marriage she worked as a stationary shop assistant.

Annie Trash milliner late in the era. Even numbered side of the street.

And in Spittal Square unplaced people =

Mrs Atkins or Adkins. Near the corner of Chapel Street. Sometimes because of the property's corner position described as being in Chapel Street itself. 

John and Jane Bryant early in the Edwardian era. John was a shopkeeper.

M Fisher the greengrocer.

Charles and Emma Hawkes. Charles was employed as a shoe maker. 

Joseph Hawkins carpenter.

Tillion family. In the same block of four properties as Frank Harvey the chimney sweep so an even numbered property. Charles Tillion was a packer for a fisherman. See also The Horns, Chapel Street landlord listing. 

Researched and compiled by Charlotte Day. ©Marlow Ancestors. You are very welcome to use my research for family or local history purposes with credit to this blog. 

For selected sources see Spittal Street part one which deals with everyone who lived in odd numbered properties

Life in Saunderton Workhouse for Victorian Great Marlow residents. Part one.

 The workhouse looms large and horribly in our imagination. I have read so many narratives about what life was like within the walls. But I wanted to know specifically what our Marlow residents would experience if they were unfortunate enough to find themselves resident at the Union workhouse at Saunderton, or the children's house at Bledlow. I have covered life at Marlow's own workhouse up to the opening of Saunderton in 1843 in another post. The reality of work house existence has been both better and worse than my expectations. 

Who needs a workhouse? 

In 1847, author James Thorne who was writing a guide to the Thames said "I am afraid that Marlow still has a very poor population. The houses about the meaner streets have a wretched poverty stricken aspect, and there are more evident signs of vice forcing themselves on the attention than is at all common in country towns of the same size and class." Four years later the Incorporated Society for the Promoting the Enlargement and  Building of Churches and Chapels presented their report into Great Marlow, after they were asked for a grant towards the cost of building the new church of Holy Trinity. They concluded the town has a very large number of poor persons  and "many exist without known employment." 

When the winter was harsh, things got bad very quickly. Some help was available independently of what was available from the Union but it tended to be short lived provision. In the severe winter of 1854 when "very great privations" had been felt, the inhabitants got together to organise acts of assistance. This was paid for by private subscription and cases were "investigated" by a committee to ensure assistance was given only to those considered deserving. Then there were gifts mostly in kind provided by the "parish charities"  - those paid for by various historic bequests and distributed by the churchwardens representative. In 1859 a letter writer to the local papers accused those responsible for the distribution of the parish charities of exhibiting favouritism when deciding who should receive a share. He added that many of the deeds to property which was supposed to provide an income to the charities had been lost which showed showed they weren't taking the task seriously. Furthermore he said the poor should be treated with civility as they were only claiming what was rightfully theirs to take. 

Would you rather die than go to the workhouse? 

We will never know some of the sacrifices made or deprivations put up with to do everything possible to avoid going to "the house." But it's certainly true that some people would literally rather die that enter its walls. We have mentioned before the case of the elderly and ill Mr Gardner living near Wymers, who slit his throat when he was told the only option for relief for him was to go to Saunderton. (1876). Men and women were housed separately whether married or not, and there was also an infirmary for each. 

It's important to remember that certain groups of people were refused "outdoor relief" eg the limited amount of help available that was an alternative to going into the workhouse. Widows who had illegitimate children were one such group. For them it would be the workhouse or nothing. Fathers of illegitimate children were not refused relief however. 

Children were sometimes admitted to Bledlow on a temporary basis, if for example their mother had died, and their father needed to travel to find a job before sending for his children but he would be required to contribute to his children's maintenance if possible. In the same way adult working children of elderly pauper inmates were required to pay towards their parents keep at Saunderton unless they were very poor themselves. The amount was set depending on the income the family received and what other dependents they had. If you didn't pay, you could be summoned to the magistrates court by the relieving officer of your parents union. For example railway porter John Plumridge, then living at Slough, was summoned in 1895 for not contributing to maintaining his  mother who was in Saunderton. 

Some of those sent to Saunderton where there because they needed to be admitted to the infirmary before Marlow got a cottage hospital. The Marlow relievers paid for a certain number of admission tickets to Reading Hospital - usually those who'd need an operation. But for others who could not be cared for at home, Saunderton it was. Poor George Blewett  was one such person in the 1870s. He had been severely burned in a kiln accident at Marlow and there was no chance of recovery. He died after what must have been an agonising journey there, age just 32. It was believed he'd had some kind of seizure before the accident. 

On arrival all those except emergency admissions to the infirmary, were sent to the male and female recieving wards so they could be medically assessed for any infectious disease. Men and women were lodged separately even if married. Once in the main male or female "ward" the days routine was marked by the ringing of a bell - with getting up time at 7.30am. 

Humble and subservient? 

The work house inmates were supposed to be grateful they were housed, and uncomplaining. But the reality is quite different. The visiting guardians of the poor for the union and the various committees were not always greeted with politeness they expected. They reported that in 1868 some of the men were openly defiant in their speech and action. The guardians had come to investigate reports of disorderly conduct (reported by a former resident) such as smoking in the dormitories, and staying up late into the night. He said the lower staff not only knew about those late nights but provided the lights for them to see by! (Smoking was at that point banned throughout the work house.) They concluded that overall a "bad tone" existed at Saunderton. The light providing porter was severely reprimanded for failing to do his proper rounds at night and for not searching inmates for tobacco if they had been allowed out. The governor was warned they needed to supervise things more personally. 

Misbehaviour at the union house seems quite common in the 1840 and 50s in particular. Destroying clothes, or breaking something belonging to the place were the most frequent causes of inmate's being bought before the courts. There was no point fining a pauper, so many in that area found themselves in jail for a few weeks. 

Could you leave once admitted? 

In theory yes, but you had to apply for permission from the board who usually wanted to interview you in person. There were particular reasons they would grant a leave of absence such as to attend a funeral, or to seek work. The latter reason was very often not accepted though. The board wanted to be certain there was a reasonable chance you would find employment. Just walking out because you'd had enough was not allowed - especially not if you were still wearing the clothes provided by the Union when you entered. Those that did were pursued by the police for the theft of this clothing. The board were however empowered to give those who did stand a chance of work an allowance of a two or three of days food for the journey. One Great Marlow man who received this type of aid was William Levington or Lewington in 1865. William said he had been imprisoned several times and so he had a bad reputation in Marlow.  This meant he was trapped in a state of unemployment and had ended up at Saunderton after suffering a fever. Now recovered, he felt the only hope was to seek a situation further away. He declared he was determined to turn over a new leaf.  William initially hoped the guardians could give him some money to help with this but they were not legally able to do that. William must have made a good impression when he appeared before the board. They said the master had reported to them that he conducted himself well and they felt his plan was a realistic and good one. They suggested he returned to his native Marlow for the upcoming fair, which was still a great place to find work with farmers who attended from far and wide. He would be provided with some items of clothing including the smock frock no self respecting agricultural labourer could do without. They actually reached into their own pockets to give William a little fund to start with, offered him some words of advice, and asked that he wrote often to them to tell them how he was getting on. I wonder if he did? 

If you had been admitted only to the infirmary, you could leave once you recieved the doctor's certificate of fitness. The vagrancy ward took in tramps who could stay for a limited time. They were expected to do some work to "pay" for their stay. 

Cruelty in the infirmary 

In 1898 the head nurse Mary Baker in the infirmary at Saunderton was sacked after being found guilty of a heartbreaking series of assaults on a young helpless crippled girl under her care who was also both deaf and blind. She was also criminally investigated and given what was considered a high fine of £3. Another nurse Emily Pocock raised the alarm after discovered severe bruising and cuts on the victim. When she pointed these out to Baker, the guilty nurse dismissed her concerns. Emily was immediately suspicious as she knew such marks could not be made by accident, and in any case no incident was reported. Some of the other infirmary patients said they had heard the girl scream and be slapped at night but they were too terrified in their own helpless positions to call for help. One woman said she hid under the blankets petrified that Baker would know she had been awake.  The nurses defence was caring for such cases was "difficult" and the work house inmates who had testified against her had over active imaginations or were prone to exaggeration. They also said such a kindly looking and well bought up woman could never stoop to such cruelty. The jury disagreed. 

Days of celebration 

One thing I did not expect was to find how often the inmates of Saunderton work house were treated to a special meal or experience. That is not to say every day life when you were not free to come and go and remain amongst your friends and family was pleasant. These special days were the exception but they occured more frequently than we might think. What spurred these "high days" could be almost anything eg the marriage of the Prince of Wales in 1863 or that of the Duke of York in 1893. 

As time went on there was a general softening of attitudes to those who found themselves at Saunderton. More was done to provide them with leisure opportunities. In 1889 a donation of several dozen pairs of reading glasses meant that reading was again within reach of many of the older residents. A "reading cupboard" was given for their use and an appeal made for books and papers to furnish it. Marlow's Walter Lovegrove organised a collection for this at Marlow. Later Marlow Institute sent more volumes. 

As well as a special Christmas dinner in a decorated dining hall, the inmates had an annual treat usually around New Years Eve. Wycombe town band was the entertainment for example in 1891. And then there was harvest festival celebrations within the workhouse chapel. 

On a side note the tobacco and snuff that was forbidden to the inmates in the first years of the workhouse were by the 1890s back at Saunderton. The supply of both was given to the master who gave them out to well behaved male inmates at his discretion. The men were not allowed to smoke at night or while working but puffing away at meal times was.   Pipes usually featured as part of the workhouse Christmas celebrations or other special events (men only). 

Death in the workhouse. 

Those regarded as incurably or seriously "mad" were taken to the county asylum at Stone to be cared for. But there were many regarded as less seriously afflicted who instead found themselves at Saunderton which was totally unable to properly supervise or aid them. There just wasn't enough staff. Some sadly therefore were able to commit suicide. One such was one time Marlow resident John Gibbs in 1849 who after unsuccessfully slashing his wrist, hung himself at the workhouse. 

The Wycombe Union was liable for the cost of a paupers funeral. Some guardians lamented the fact they did not think they could recover any funeral expenses from the family of the deceased. The family did not have to let the union bury their loved one just because they died at Saunderton though. If relatives claimed the body, the Union had to pay for it to be transported to the relatives parish where it would be buried. The family could still attend a paupers burial which was typically at High Wycombe cemetery but it was reported that few did. When in 1891 changes to burial arrangements were mooted one Union guardian made the extraordinary claim that as few family members paid for stones for their pauper relatives graves it showed they did not "have much feeling about the matter" of how their relative was buried. The idea a pauper family might not have spare cash for an expensive gravestone seems to have passed this man by entirely. Thankfully some of the other members of the board were more grounded in reality. Many of those dying had no nearby relatives anyway they said.  Some wondered if it would be kinder to the families if a private place could be provided for pauper burials at the workhouse itself, as a public parish burial was considered very embarrassing by many. But others thought it would be too depressing to the older inmates to have a burial ground in their view. In the end the idea wasn't proceeded with. 

Part two deals with life for the children at the Bledlow workhouse or rather residential school....

FURTHER INFORMATION:

The Wretched - poverty in Victorian and Edwardian Marlow  here

Life for the Marlow children at the Union workhouse school at Bledlow here

The life of James Croxon - friend to the poor here

From the workhouse to convict ships - the Brothers Frith here

Marlow hero John Langley here

General posts about everyday life in old Great Marlow here

Marlow workhouse keepers the Reeves here

Written and researched by Kathryn Day. © MarlowAncestors. 

Sources: 

Thorne, James. Rambles by the Rivers: The Thames Vol 1&2, ( 1847) Charles Cox & Co. 

Bucks Herald 5th May 1849. 

Hampshire Chronicle 25th January 1851

Maidenhead Advertiser 8th July 1899

Reading Mercury 14th January 1859

South Bucks Standard March 15th &  June 7th 1895

Windsor & Eton Journal 15th Jan 1876

Report of the Wycombe Guardians, High Wycombe Union, February 1863 and January 1891.